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• Index
• Lenin W I Imperializm jako najwyższe stadium kapitalizmu
• Ossendowski F. A. Lenin
• Ossendowski F. A. Lenin (2)
• A. Graham Bell Two Stroke Performance Tuning
• Etiquette in Society, in Business, in Politics and at Home
• Andy McNab Kryptonim Bravo Two Zero
• Mary Joe Tate Critical Companion to F. Scott Fitzgerald, A Literary Reference to His Life And Work (2007)
• Umiejetnosc realizowania marzen
• Saylor Steven Rubikon
• Alex Joe Gdzie przykazan brak dziesieciu
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[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.No, our new-Iskraists are decidedly out of luck! Even when they formulate a correctSocial-Democratic proposition they don't know how to apply it correctly.They failed totake into consideration that in a period in which a revolution has begun, when there is noparliament, when there is civil war, when insurrectionary outbreaks occur, the conceptsand terms of parliamentary struggle are changed and transformed into their opposites.They failed to take into consideration the fact that, under the circumstances referred toamendments are moved by means of street demonstrations, interpolations are introducedby means of offensive action by armed citizens, opposition to the government is effectedby forcibly overthrowing the government.Like the well-known hero of our folklore, who repeated good advice just when it wasinappropriate, our admirers of Martynov repeat the lessons of peaceful parliamentarismjust at a time when, as they themselves state, actual hostilities have commenced.There isnothing more ridiculous than this pompous emphasis of the slogan "extreme opposition"in a resolution which begins by referring to a "decisive victory of the revolution" and to a"popular insurrection"! Try to visualise, gentlemen, what it means to be the "extremeopposition" in a period of insurrection.Does it mean exposing the government ordeposing it? Does it mean voting against the government or defeating its armed forces inopen battle? Does it mean refusing the government replenishments for its exchequer orthe revolutionary seizure of this exchequer in order to use it for the requirements of theuprising, to arm the workers and peasants and to convoke a constituent assembly? Areyou not beginning to understand, gentlemen, that the term "extreme opposition"expresses only negative actions to expose, to vote against, to refuse? Why is this so?Because this term applies only to the parliamentary struggle and, moreover, to a periodwhen no one makes "decisive victory" the immediate object of the struggle.Are you notbeginning to understand that things undergo a cardinal change in this respect from themoment the politically oppressed people launch a determined attack along the wholefront in desperate struggle for victory?The workers ask us: Is it necessary energetically to take up the urgent business ofinsurrection? What is to be done to make the incipient insurrection victorious? What useshould be made of the victory? What program can and should then be applied? The newIskra-ists, who are making Marxism more profound, answer: We must remain the partyof extreme revolutionary opposition.Well, were we not right in calling these knightspast masters in philistinism?Next: "Revolutionary Communes" and the Revolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship of theProletariat and the PeasantryFootnotes1)See Proletary, No.3, "On the Provisional Revolutionary Government," article two.Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic RevolutionVladimir LeninTwo Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution"Revolutionary Communes" and theRevolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship ofthe Proletariat and the PeasantryThe Conference of the new-Iskraists did not keep to the anarchist position into which thenew Iskra had talked itself (only "from below," not "from below and from above").Theabsurdity of admitting the possibility of an insurrection and not admitting the possibilityof victory and participation in a provisional revolutionary government was too glaring.The resolution therefore introduced certain reservations and restrictions into the solutionof the question proposed by Martynov and Martov.Let us consider these reservations asstated in the following section of the resolution:"These tactics" ("to remain the party of extreme revolutionary opposition") "do not, ofcourse, in any way exclude the expediency of a partial and episodic seizure of power andthe establishment of revolutionary communes in one or another city, in one or anotherdistrict, exclusively for the purpose of helping to spread the insurrection and of disruptingthe government."That being the case, it means that in principle they admit the possibility of action not onlyfrom below, but also from above.It means that the proposition laid down in L.Martov'swell-known article in the Iskra (No [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]